How to Shatter A Castro-phile’s Arguments.

This is rather long but a good read. I had to transcribe this from a hard copy so any typos are mine and not the authors.

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1. USINT is pleased to send in this distillation of the best or our briefings and responses to questions about Cuba, usually from audiences that are opposed to U.S. policy towards Cuba.

Q. The U.S. embargo (called “blockage by the GOC and its close allies) has not brought down the Castro regime. Why do you persist with this failed policy?

A. U.S. trade and other sanctions are the least we can do to respond, as we must, to a regime that has had a history of totalitarian rule, export of violence and subversion, and unremitting hostility to the United States. It is true that the Castro regime has withstood the sanctions, but it is also true that the USG has been true to its principles by seeking to isolate a regime that is so alien to all that American democracy stands for. We stood firm for 45 years until the USSR and the Iron Curtain collapsed. The collapse of communist rule in Cuba has taken longer, but is just as inevitable.

Q. Didn’t the U.S. Defense Department come out with a report saying that Cuba is not a threat to the United States?

A. Yes, although the report’s drafter turned out to be Ana Belen Montes, a woman who was convicted for espionage on behalf of the Cuban regime. Although Cuba may not pose a conventional military threat to the U.S., it clearly demonstrated, with Ana Belen Montes, that it is an intelligence threat. The Cuban regime considers itself an enemy of the USG and is an instigator of anti-American activities all over the world, especially in Latin America. Its functionaries in Venezuela and Bolivia right now are helping leaders there assault those countries’ democratic institutions. Cuba is on the list of countries that support international terrorism; any intelligence it picks up from the USA, it can be expected to pass on to other rogue states or groups that are enemies of the USA.

Q. But aren’t we missing out on great trade opportunities?

A. Cuba is an impoverished Third World country with a GNP in the neighborhood of 35 billion dollars. The Cuban exile community in the USA alone, with 15 percent of Cuba’s population, has a larger GNP. We can easily handle not trading with Castro’s Cuba for however much longer it takes until it becomes a free society. In the mean time, our laws permit sales of agricultural products to the tune of roughly 400 million dollars per year.

Q. But won’t the Spanish, other Europeans, Canadians and Asians have a leg up on us for new investment opportunities?

A. Investors in Cuba are buying into an apartheid system that pays virtual slave wages and provides no internationally recognized worker rights. We are surprised that people who protested against apartheid in South Africa or against sweatshops in Mexico or Southeast Asia are not up in arms over working conditions in Cuba, where wages are 15 dollars a month. Cuban citizens also have no right to stay in the hotels that the Europeans and Canadians invest in and frequent as tourists. The question should be: Why would democratic countries in Europe and Canada want to do business with a brutal totalitarian government like Cuba? Finally, when Cuba truly opens up its economy, we are confident that American businesses will take full advantage of the opportunity to work with enterprising Cubans.

Q. Isn’t the embargo hurting the Cuban people?

A. The Cuban regime’s state-run, inefficient economic system is preventing the Cuban people from prospering. This is a deliberate policy which keeps Cubans so busy scraping by to put food on the table that they have no time or energy left to protest. The embargo aims to deny U.S. resources to the regime, but does not prevent Cuba from obtaining goods and services from other countries.

Q. If you end the embargo, won’t the Cuban regime no longer be able to blame the USG for its problems?

A. If we ended the embargo, the Cuban regime would continue to blame the USG for its problems, either by presenting us a bill for cumulative damage to their economy or finding some other issue. For example, they have completely invented a controversy involving five of their spies that were arrested in the United States and convicted by a U.S. court. The fact that other members of that same spy network confessed and plea bargained has had no effect on the Cuban regime’s propaganda campaign.

Q. If you relax the embargo’s travel restrictions, wouldn’t an influx of American tourists usher in democratic change?

A. Two million Canadian and European tourists per year have not ushered in democratic change. They have put roughly two billion dollars in the pocket of the regime, helped perpetuate an apartheid tourist system, and also, in many cases, participated in sex tourism.

Q. But wasn’t Cuba America’s brothel and gambling casino before Castro replaced Batista in 1959?

A. There were certainly injustices and political grievances surrounding Batista’s rule, but not many economic ones. Cuba was, in the 1950s, a very popular destination for U.S. tourism and investment in many sectors. It was one of the most prosperous countries in Latin America, in terms of GNP, cars and televisions per capita, and also social indicators. More American were living in or visiting Cuba than vice-versa; and immigrants from Italy and Spain were streaming in by the thousands.

Q. Isn’t it true that Castro’s Cuba has set an example to the world in areas of health and education?

A. By repeating this mantra, you are unwittingly duped into perpetuating “the big lie.” A lie, if repeated many hundreds of times, is still a lie. The Cuban health care system was the best in Latin America before Castro took over. The regime invests heavily in the health system but in ways that are inefficient: Cuba has more doctors per capita than Denmark, yet hospitals lack bed sheets and simple medications like aspirins. Health care is politicized, forcing thousands of doctors overseas on “international missions” while Cubans back home are uncared for. Doctors in Cuba spend half their time at political meetings, drawing them away from patient care. Medicine is administered via an apartheid system: The best facilities and doctors are reserved for foreigners, tourists and regime nomenklatura; facilities for ordinary Cubans are no better than those in most other Third World countries. Ordinary Cubans, even if they have hard currency, are not allowed to buy medications at the best pharmacies, which are reserved for foreigners and nomenklatura.

Q. But what about education? And that high literacy rate?

A. Cuba had levels of education and literacy among the top tier of Latin American countries in the 1950s. The Castro regime’s literacy campaign claimed to have raised the rate, but did so with a heavy ideological component. Cubans are largely literate, although younger ones nowadays are struggling with basic reading and math skills. Additionally, all through the grade levels they are force-fed propaganda and given grades and opportunities in accordance with their political loyalties (and their parent’s political loyalties). Because the Cuban regime restricts access to free information, including the internet, Cubans grow up with limited options for reading and use of computer. They are among the most computer illiterate societies in Latin America.

Q. But back to health care, isn’t it true that Cuba has a world-class low level of infant mortality?

A. Not necessarily. One problem with statistics. Even UN and other international statistics are provided by the Cuban regime, which defines the truth in political terms. Additionally, Cuban obstetricians regularly insist on and administer abortions for most pregnancies where there is any suggestion of health risk for the newborns. The high rate of abortions has the effect of skewing the numbers in a way that produces better statistics for infant mortality, as well as life expectancy.

Q. Hasn’t Fidel Castro had broad popular support among the Cuban people?

A. It is impossible to measure how much support Fidel Castro has. Obviously, he has never measured his popularity by free elections. Public opinion polls are not possible because of the climate of fear that pervades Cuba. Spying and reporting on the citizenry is one of the regime’s most labor and resource-intensive activities, and is backed by brute force. Stating one’s opposition to Castro’s rule is a crime, punishable by many years of imprisonment. Unable to vote at the ballot box, Cubans vote with their feet. Emigration from Cuba is massive, and is the desire of most young Cubans. Their preferred destination is the USA, but they settle in many other countries too, including relatively poor ones in Latin America.

Q. But now that Fidel Castro is incapacitated, shouldn’t we sit down and talk with Raul Castro? Isn’t he a more pragmatic, nicer guy?

A. Raul Castro has participated in every aspect of the Cuban regime’s totalitarian rule, including mass murder of Cubans and kidnapping of American citizens. We have many grievances to discuss with a Cuban government, but we do not accept that passing command from a dictator to his brother represents any kind of legitimacy worthy of a change in policy. Raul Castro may be more pragmatic than Fidel Castro; but that’s not saying much. Raul Castro himself has stated that he has no intention to change the communist nature of the regime. No, what’s not needed is a US/Cuba meeting that legitimizes Raul Castro, but rather a full consultation between the regime and the Cuban people regarding the future of their country.

Q. But we talk to China, and they are a communist country that violates human rights.

A. The USG does not have a one-size-fits-all foreign policy. Our relationship with China has a much different history and its own texture—including considerable advocacy for human rights in China. Regarding Cuba, no effort to embrace the regime, either by us or any other country, has made a dent in it totalitarian nature.

Q. Isn’t U.S. policy toward Cuba held hostage to right-wing exile Cubans in Miami?

A. That question is insulting to Cuban exiles, who have come to America under difficult circumstances and managed to succeed, in the aggregate, based on hard work, education and other values that have brought about success to any immigrant group that has sought the American dream. To the extent that Cuban Americans have elected leaders with a point of view about Cuba, that is the way our democratic system works, for Cubans, or for any other immigrant community. Opinion polls show that Cuban exiles have a diversity of viewpoints on Cuba and on other political issues; they vote both Republican and Democrat. They know and care move about Cuba than other Americans, so it is normal, and desirable, that they have an impact on U.S. policy. In any case, their wish for democracy and freedom in Cuba is consistent with U.S. policy worldwide.

Q. Aren’t Cuban dissidents who receive aid from Miami pawns of U.S. policy?

A. The Cuban democratic opposition is a home-grown response to lack of freedom on the island and grotesque abuses of human rights by the Cuban regime. There are many components to this opposition: Independent journalists, librarians and teachers; political movements and parties; free labor leaders; human rights monitors; and The Ladies in White. This latter group is made up of relatives of Cuban political prisoner. The U.S is proud to provide assistance to these people, who in most cases have nowhere else to turn. Who in their right mind would suggest a U.S. policy that turns our back on courageous people seeking freedom?

Q. How can the USG let Posada Carriles walk free? Isn’t that inconsistent with our counterterrorism policy?

A. In the recent legal proceedings regarding Luis Posada Carriles, the USG was on the side arguing for keeping Posada in jail. A judge ruled differently, ant the executive branch must abide by that decision. However, Posada is not now a legal U.S. resident and is subject to expulsion. There are active legal cases regarding his connection to violent crimes that cannot be commented on because they are active cases. As of today, Posada Carriles has been accused of many crimes but not convicted of any of them.

2. We have deliberately made this message unclassified with the hope that it is circulated widely and used to rebut Cuban propaganda.

Books for Sale

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If you are looking for something on Amazon please consider using the search box at the top of the page. I get a little kickback for every order that's placed that way. If you have a similar link on your site, let me know and I'll use it the next time I order.

PY08 RESERVE LIEUTENANT COMMANDER SELECTION BOARD RESULTS

R 201819Z SEP 07 ZUI ASN-A00263000026
FM COMCOGARD PERSCOM ARLINGTON VA
TO ALCGPERSCOM
BT
UNCLAS //N01401//
ALCGPERSCOM 053/07
SUBJ: PY08 RESERVE LIEUTENANT COMMANDER SELECTION BOARD RESULTS
A. RESERVE POLICY MANUAL, COMDTINST M1001.28A
1. THE SECRETARY HAS APPROVED THE REPORT OF THE SELECTION BOARD CONVENED ON 20 AUGUST 2007 WHICH RECOMMENDED THE FOLLOWING NAMED OFFICERS ON THE INACTIVE DUTY PROMOTION LIST (IDPL) FOR PROMOTION TO THE GRADE OF COMMANDER. OFFICERS SELECTED ARE LISTED BELOW IN IDPL PRECEDENCE ORDER:
NAME DEPT
1.BAKER, MICHAEL CGPC RPM
2.BALL, GARY F. CG SECTOR BALTIMORE
3.SCHAMBIER, ROBERT M. CG SECTOR SEATTLE
4.CURRENT, KEIRSTEN E. COMDT
5.GUTIERREZ, FERNANDO CG SECTOR SAN JUAN
6.ROSELLO, BRAD CG MSU CHICAGO
7.KOMATINSKY, SEAN A. CG MSU LAKE CHARLES
8.FONDRAN, GREG A. CGD NINE
9.WENNET, CRAIG L. CG ISC BOSTON
10.LAVRENCHIK, MICHAEL P. CGD NINE
11.OSBORNE, NATHAN H. CG SECTOR SAN JUAN
12.CORALIN, LETICIA I. CG SECTOR SAN JUAN
13.KIRCHOFF, GERALD A. CG SECTOR OHIO VALLEY
14.HUOT, CATHERINE L. CG SECTOR ANCHORAGE
15.CASSELS, WILLIAM B. CG SMTC
16.CROFF, DIANE M. CG SECTOR ST PETERSBURG
17.GRACE, PATRICK J. CGD THIRTEEN
18.WATSON, ANGELA R. CG MLCLANT
19.NEELEY, KRISTINE B. CG SECTOR SAN DIEGO
20.KUCK, JEFFREY W. CG SECTOR ST PETERSBURG
21.COOPER, ROBERT M. CG PSU 309
22.TIEMAN, JASON E. CG MSU GALVESTON
23.LEE, CHRISTOPHER E CGD FOURTEEN
24.POTTER, ERIN B. CG SECTOR SAULT STE MARIE
25.GENSCH, KEITH CG SECTOR HAMPTON ROADS
26.MALONE, PAULA J. CG SECTOR ST PETERSBURG
27.WASSERMAN, JEFFREY M. CGD ELEVEN
28.MARGULIES, WILLIAM P. NCWRON 25
29.MACK, BRUCE G. USJFCOM
30.WILLIAMS, JEFFREY A. NCWRON 33
31.SERRANOSANCHEZ, RAMON L. CG ESU MIAMI
32.LAVERY, KEVIN P. CG PACAREA
33.WILCOX, CHARLES E. USCENTCOM
34.WOODY, LAWRENCE E. CG PACAREA
35.HINES, KENNETH J. CG SECTOR OHIO VALLEY
36.BENN, WILLIAM S. CG PSU 313
37.SCHROEDER, KRISTEN M. CG SECTOR LONG ISLAND SOUND
38.BALTZ, KENNETH A. CG SECTOR SAN FRANCISCO
39.MURPHY, NATALIE M. CG SECTOR MOBILE
40.ACOSTA, MONICA B. CGD SEVENTEEN
41.VEALENCIS, JOSEPH J. CGPC RPM
42.EBBERS, DOUGLAS L. CG SECTOR SAN FRANCISCO
43.BOYD, CORNEDA Y. CG SECTOR LOWER MISSISSIPPI
44.CONKLIN, JENNIFER J CG SECTOR HONOLULU
45.GARRITY, ELISA M. CG SECTOR SAN DIEGO

[SNIP]

6. THE BOARD'S MEMBERSHIP AND UNITS ARE:
NAME UNIT
CAPT KIMBERLY J. PICKENS, USCGR COMDT (CG-131)
CDR ANDREW S. MCKINLEY, USCGR CG PSU 309
LCDR ALAN R. TUBBS, USCG CG PACAREA
LCDR BRION J. FITZGERALD, USCGR CG ELC BALITMORE
LCDR NECIA L. CHAMBLISS, USCGR COMDT (CG-094M)
LCDR RICHARD F. BRANNON, USCGR CG GST
7. THE PRECEPT WHICH CONVENED THIS BOARD AND CHARGED THE MEMBERS WITH THEIR DUTIES, AND THE COMDT'S GUIDANCE FOR PROMOTION YEAR 2008 SELECTION BOARDS, ARE AVAILABLE VIA THE CGPC (RPM) CG INTERNET SITE
HTTP://WWW.USCG.MIL/RPM/PY08

9/11

A few days after the 9/11 attacks, someone made a very moving slideshow online. You can find it again here.

Don't forget.

PY08 RESERVE COMMANDER SELECTION BOARD RESULTS

R 101801Z SEP 07 ZUI ASN-A00253000017
FM COMCOGARD PERSCOM ARLINGTON VA
TO ALCGPERSCOM
BT
UNCLAS //N01401//
ALCGPERSCOM 052/07
SUBJ: PY08 RESERVE COMMANDER SELECTION BOARD RESULTS
A. RESERVE POLICY MANUAL, COMDTINST M1001.28A
1. THE SECRETARY HAS APPROVED THE REPORT OF THE SELECTION BOARD
CONVENED ON 30 JULY 2007 WHICH RECOMMENDED THE FOLLOWING NAMED
OFFICERS ON THE INACTIVE DUTY PROMOTION LIST (IDPL) FOR PROMOTION
TO THE GRADE OF COMMANDER. OFFICERS SELECTED ARE LISTED BELOW IN
IDPL PRECEDENCE ORDER:
NO. NAME DEPT
1. NELSON, ROBERT T. CGPC RPM
2. NELSON, RICHARD K. CG ISC NEW ORLEANS
3. DAVENPORT, WILLIAM F. CG SUPRTCEN ELIZABETH CITY
4. ROSZKOWSKI, LEONA M. COMDT (CG-00H1)
5. OBRIEN, SEAN K. CGD NINE
6. GASSER, THOMAS CG SECTOR CHARLESTON
7. MURAKAMI, MARK M. CGD FOURTEEN
8. DAVIS, JOHN W. CG MLCLANT
9. CAMPBELL, LISA M. CG SECTOR BOSTON
10. ROBINSON, JAMES P. CGD ONE
11. MURPHY, CHARLES G. CG LANTAREA
12. POLLIO, CAROL A. CG ICC
13. HOFFMAN, PETER M. CGD NINE
14. BROWN, BARON K. CG SECTOR LA/LB
15. MEDEROS, ROGELIO A. SOUTHCOM
16. BROWN, DENNIS A. NCWRON 30
17. WASCO, FREDERICK CGD NINE
18. MORGAN, CRAIG W. CG SECTOR HAMPTON ROADS
19. MAKI, KYLE E. NCWRON 30
20. STUCK, MATTHEW B. CGD ONE
21. WALDMAN, ROBERT CG LANTAREA
22. HARTZELL, JOHN M. CG LANTAREA
23. DONALDSON, JEAN T. JFCOM
24. MILLER, PHILLIP D. CG LANTAREA
25. MILLER, DONALD A. CG ISC MIAMI BEACH
26. EVANISH, MICHAEL D. CG MSU PITTSBURGH
27. SALL, CHAMPEE V. SOUTHCOM
28. LIVINGOOD, JAMES S. CG LANTAREA
29. COX, MARK D. JFCOM
30. ANDREWS, JAMES B. NCWRON 33
31. WILLIS, FOREST A. CG SUPRTCEN ELIZABETH CITY
32. GAROFOLO, JOHN J. CG ACADEMY
33. KILLMER, PETER D. CGD NINE
34. FITZGERALD, BRION J. CG ELC
35. CLARK, DANIEL W. SOUTHCOM
36. BRADY, ROBERT M. CG GST
37. BROWN, SHERRI L. CG MLCLANT
38. WEBSTER, CAMERON K. CGD THIRTEEN
39. TUBBS, ALAN R. CG PACAREA
40. MCCONNELL, FRANK V. CG TRACEN YORKTOWN
41. NAUERT, GERALD A. TRANSCOM
42. SCHAEFER, FRANKLIN H. CGD SEVEN
43. HENDERSON, SCOTT D. CG SECTOR SAN FRANCISCO
44. SMITH, BENJAMIN L. CG MSU TOLEDO
45. ELLIS, RICHARD CG SECTOR SAN DIEGO
46. KALLEN, DAWN M. CGD ONE
47. HOLDREN, CATHERINE A. CG GP ASTORIA
48. RHINEHART, KERSTIN B. CGD NINE
49. LINSKY, SCOTT R. CG AST
50. HILL, STEVEN J. CENTCOM
51. SCHNEIDER, DOUGLAS B. CG ACTEUR
52. HAMMER, ELLEN L. CG SECTOR BALTIMORE
[snip]
6. THE BOARD'S MEMBERSHIP AND UNITS ARE:
NAME UNIT
CAPT MICHAEL F. MORIARTY, USCGR CG LANTAREA
CDR GREGORY S. LINGLE, USCGR CGD ELEVEN
CDR KATHLEEN A. DUIGNAN, USCGR COMDT (CG-094M)
CDR SANDRA K. SELMAN, USCG CGD SEVENTEEN
CDR JAMES M. KELLY, USCGR CG LANTAREA
CDR KEVIN H. NISHIMURA, USCGR CGD FOURTEEN